The Upper Amazonian Rubber Boom and Indigenous Rights 1900-1925
Florida Gulf Coast University
During the first two decades of the twentieth century, Western powers invested in the newly created rubber industry in the upper Amazon. American, English, and Dutch companies needed rubber for their automobile products and invested in South American countries, such as Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. This was presented as a civilizing endeavor, which would bring economic development while improving and transforming the indigenous inhabitants of the region, and thus they were fervently supported by national states and local elites. However, the idea of civilization proved to be an ironic tragedy. The “civilizing companies” put the Indians in a system of debt peonage, treated them as slaves, tortured them, and massacred them.
By looking at the records and the testimonies of people who directly experienced the business environment of the Amazonian jungle, this paper will explore the impact of the development of the rubber industry in Peru and Ecuador in the early twentieth century. It will focus on the impact on indigenous communities that lived in the Amazon, and will analyze the complicity – and powerlessness – of the state in the genocide which occurred.
Setting the Scene
In the 1880s, South American countries, such as Ecuador and Peru sent examples of their best rubber to the U.S. and England to get the attention of foreign companies to invest in the South American rubber. The rubber was a very popular raw material at the time since it was in demand for use in multiple products.
Therefore, the foreign companies became interested in the South American wild rubber that grew in the Amazonian region. They sent financial representatives to establish a trade system between the countries. Elite mestizos (people of Spanish-Indians descent) from the Amazonian region became very involved with the business and became traders and caucheros (rubber barons). Ecuadorians, Peruvians, Colombian, French, and Italians became traders and established the rubber station in the Upper Amazonian region. They used popular financial transaction methods to rapidly make money on their investments: they received foreign money on credit for the rubber, which was shipped overseas once it was harvested.
Location played one of the most important roles in the rubber industry boom. The Amazonian region where the rubber trees grew was a pure region with very few outside influences. There were many diverse ethnicities among the indigenous groups who lived in the area as nomads, each with their own customs and dialects. Therefore, the indigenous communities were not united, did not communicate with each other, and as result were not aware of the menace posed by the caucheros until they were confronted with their enslavement plans. Nevertheless, some indigenous groups were familiar with the missionaries who had entered the Amazon previously and these groups were the first to be in contact with rubber traders.
The governments from Ecuador, Peru, and Colombia received the foreign companies and expected an improvement in their economy. For example, in 1896, Eloy Alfaro expelled the missionaries and replaced them with foreign companies, which he believed were going to make the Oriente (the Ecuadorian term for the Amazon) progress. The president also granted citizenship to the Indians of the Ecuadorian Amazonian region to be a bountiful labor supply for the rubber companies. In the area of the Mainas, two rubber houses were extended into an area of dispute between Peru and Ecuador, due to an old boundary controversy.  The people in this area, therefore, were not Ecuadorian citizens. Ecuadorian politicians in Guayaquil and Quito claimed, with pride, the Amazonian region in dispute; this did little to resolve the problems of the indigenous people in this Oriente province. Peru did not claim the people as citizens either. Roger Casement was the British consul who investigated the rubber trade slavery issue in the early 1910s. In his investigation, he found that, “Peru has many inhabitants but very few citizens.” Ecuador, Peru, and Colombia had neither effective governments nor state institutions that would protect the large population of Indigenous groups.
The Rubber Industry and the Indians
The rubber industry in the Upper Amazonian became notorious for the violation of human rights experienced by its workers. In order for the rubber industry to be successful, there was a need for a large, cheap labor force, to get the rubber from the trees. The members of the elite, who owned the businesses and the traders, were not going to work the caucho directly. The mestizos from the area were not willing to do the job either. The elite and the mestizos had the racist belief that the manual labor was not honorably and, consequently, only lower class people like Indians or blacks were intended to do that kind of job. The owners of the rubber houses realized that the Indians were the cheapest and most convenient source of labor they could find to work the caucho. They were the cheapest because they did not ask for a large remuneration for their work, since they had no idea of how much the caucheros and the foreign companies made for the caucho. They were the most convenient because they knew the area well. They lived and worked in the jungle, were adapted to the tropical and rainy weather of the Amazon, and knew how to get food and shelter even better than the caucheros. They knew traditional methods to extract the caucho because the Indians used it for medicinal purposes. They were perfect to do the job – the only problem was motivating them to work. 
The question of how to make them work the caucho has been analyzed by many. For example, Michael Taussig, who studied the writings of Casement, reached the conclusion that there was not a shortage of either rubber or labor. Instead, it was the capitalistic system that made labor a problem. The best way for the cauchero to find low wage workers and produce more income from the caucho was to make them work through terror, since few of the indigenous communities were familiar with a system of working for something in return. The missionaries, therefore, helped the rubber barons by showing them a system of free wageworkers. Some indigenous groups from Ecuador and Brazil were a little more familiar than the Indians from Peru, since they had worked with Jesuit missionaries. The missionaries also tried to civilize the Indians by making them work for the church and, in return, the Indians received knives, cloths, cups, hammocks, etc. The missionaries disciplined the Indians by using them to build houses, convents, churches, and schools and transformed them from their wild and useless status. Ironically, the same rubber barons became one of the causes of missionary displacement from the Amazonian region.
The Enslavement of the Indians
Ecuadorian and Peruvian indigenous people were kidnapped by the caucheros to make them work for their companies. The Indians were seen as grown-up children by the caucheros; therefore, the rubber barons found it easy to take advantage of the docile and obedient temperament of the Indians and forced them into rubber slaves.
Most of the time, the rubber companies did not get their workers through traders and merchants; instead, the Indians were captured from their regions by the muchachos, (the foremen who worked for the caucheros). The muchachos were men of African descent who were brought by the caucheros from the British Caribbean islands of Barbados or Trinidad. These men were not intended to work the caucho, but instead to supervise and discipline the Indians. The muchachos were expensive for the caucheros, but they were believed to be necessary. There existed the racist mentality that only black men were savage and strong enough to do the cruel jobs. They punished the Indians and made them work through the use of terror and force. The West Indian men traveled to South America with the idea that they would gain enough money to go back home to improve their lives. Nevertheless, the West Indian men were also caught in the debt-peonage system. Their trip to South America, clothes, and food were given to them in advance. Therefore, they had to work for a long time for the rubber houses in order to pay the debt and they received very little money to save for their trip home.
The Barbadians captured the Indians from their wilderness, supervised their work, as well as punished them if they did not work to the demands. There were also a few Indians, who were born in the Rubber houses and understood the system well, who were also muchachos. These were usually pure Indians or mestizos and did the same jobs as the West Indian men. There were more muchachos than white caucheros, and more Indians than muchachos. The muchachos were always armed with guns and behaved as if they were in a constant war. The muchachos were believed to be semi-civilized by the white caucheros. The white caucheros believed that they were semi-civilized because they were used to wearing clothes, working for money, and they spoke English and Spanish. However, the Indians and the consuls who witnessed their crimes realized how evil they really were. 
The muchachos were the connection between the caucheros and the Indians. The caucheros never did the dirty jobs, such as gathering the caucho, or forcing the workers to gather the caucho. The caucheros regularly sent the muchachos out to capture more Indians. They went to the areas where they Indians lived. The Indians normally lived close to the rivers. Then, the muchachos, with their guns, captured several of the Indians, chained them up, and brought them back to the rubber houses. These capturing expeditions were very violent; sometimes the muchachos killed more people than they captured. They captured everyone they found: men, women, and children
The Indians were kept in the houses in order to civilize them. While they were being civilized they were put in chains or in cepos (stocks). The Indians were given clothes, machetes, and guns to make them ready to work. The Indians did not have a monetary system; therefore, the caucheros used the Indians in a system of debt-peonage to pay them for their work. The Indians were forced to sign employment contracts that they did not fully understand, but which forced them to work for long period of time until they had gathered enough money to pay for the few things they had received. Sometimes the contracts were made for two years, in which the Indian was expected to work for the rubber company and gives all that he collected to the employer. After the Indian had been told of the requirements, he was told how much they owed the employer. The Indians usually received a small item for their pay; the rest of the money was kept to pay for the original debt. As a result, they were kept in a system of debt-peonage, which forced them to work for the caucheros for the rest of their lives. In other words, they became slaves of the caucheros.
The Indians were expected to work through the year in three or four expeditions. They were asked, every four months, to bring a fabrico of fifty to sixty kilograms of caucho. In twelve months they had to bring at least three fabricos of caucho in order to be paid. Their pay was minimal and, in most of the cases, they were given very few things so their debt would grow larger, and the opportunity of freedom would be farther away. For a fabrico, the Indians received a machete, a cup, pants, or a hammock. If they brought two fabricos they might have received a gun; however, with very few munitions, so it would be useless after the munitions were fired.
The Indians went to work in a territory which was divided into sections, with one chief, several muchachos, and the Indians. The Indians, armed with machetes, penetrated deep in the Amazonian forest and gashed every rubber tree they saw. They cut the trees deep to get the last drop of milk, thus killing the tree forever. The rubber milk ran down the tree and after a few days, it became hard and ready to be taken to the rubber houses. Then, they cleaned the surface of the rubber and made it into balls by wrapping it with ropes. And in this form of crude “caucho balls,” the rubber was sold and shipped to the markets. Then the rubber was weighted in the rubber houses and later was sent in the steamers to New York or London.
The muchachos received the orders from the white caucheros, and the Indians received the orders of the muchachos. The caucheros ordered the muchachos to keep a list of the caucho each Indian collected every ten days and made sure it fits with the required amount of caucho. If the work did not fit with what the caucheros expected, the Indians were punished by the muchachos. The caucheros, however, were never fair to the Indians. The Indians, for example, did not get any food from the caucheros; they had to procure their own food. The Indians brought women and children to help them carry the food, as well as the caucho, back to the caucheros. After they arrived with caucho they were confronted with many difficulties, such as punishment or terror instead of payment. Hardenburg experienced the cruelties of the caucheros when he was kidnapped in the Amazon and wrote The Putumayo (1912), a reminiscence of his experiences. In his observations, “the civilizing company” apparently did not believe in paying for what it can be obtained otherwise. The rule of terror had been adopted. The caucheros asked the Indians for an amount of caucho that was impossible to get. If the rubber barons were angry because the prices of the caucho were decreased in the foreign market, they inflicted their anger on the muchachos and the Indians. 
One of the ways the caucheros inflicted their anger was by punishing the Indians and the muchachos. When the Indians brought the caucho to the houses they reacted in relation to how the cauchero felt. If the cauchero was happy with the caucho amount brought, the Indian leapt about and laughed with pleasure. However, when the cauchero was not satisfied with the amount of caucho brought, the Indians threw themselves face downwards on the ground and awaited their punishment.
The Indians were punished by the muchachos through many cruel ways, such as by flogging, hanging, or putting them in cepo. The cepo were stocks, where the Indians were held in painful positions without food or water. Some Indians survived the flogging and the cepo, but many died from these punishments. The Indians were also shot by the muchachos and the caucheros, if they became sick while carrying the caucho, or if they tried to escape. The muchachos cut off the arms and legs an Indian and lit him on fire while he was still alive for bigger crimes such as not bringing enough caucho, trying to escape, or killing a muchacho. The muchachos not only punished the male Indians who worked for the “civilizing company,” but they also punished the families of the Indians in order to hurt the worker because he did not bring enough caucho. The children and women were flogged and put in chains. The majority of the time, the muchachos were ordered by the caucheros to commit these horrible crimes, but sometimes the muchachos also abused their own power. They sexually abused the Indians, male and female by raping them or by beating them on their genitals. After they were raped, they killed them or flogged them and sent them back to their villages. The young girls were also given to the West Indian men as concubines. The muchachos claimed that they did not want to inflict cruelty on the Indians: however, they were forced by the caucheros. If they disobeyed the orders of the boss, they were penalized by the same cruel punishments. The irony was that these men were mostly blacks and had experienced slavery in their own history. 
Indifference and Unconcern
The missionaries witnessed the cruel treatment of the caucheros to the Indians. They wrote about how cruel life was for the indigenous people under the hands of the brutal rubber barons. Yet, they did not publicly denounce the abuses committed by the caucheros because they had complicated relationships with the anti-clerical, liberal politicians and the rubber barons, because they were seen as a competition for both of them. The missionaries had a casual relationship with the caucheros, since they went to the rubber houses to perform communions, baptisms, confirmations, and confessions. The missionaries also felt that the caucheros, who were also, European descendants like themselves, were superior to the poor “indiecitos” (little Indians). There were also the missionaries, like Bartolomé Gevara, who acted liked the caucheros and kept the Indians in slavery. Guevara was one of the most noted of the Putumayo “missionaries,” yet was making money by being the chief of one of the rubber houses. In general, most of the missionaries felt that the treatment of the Indians was wrong; however, there was not very much they could do because of their political situation and economic situation. Their writings are an important source of evidence. The missionaries also formed an important part in the abuses of the human rights of the Indians, since they set the model for the caucheros follow- to get free labor from the Indians. The only difference was that the missionaries did not make large profits with the Indians works, as the caucheros did. 
The Government officials
The South American governments did not stop the violation of the indigenous rights, since the rubber companies monopolized the Amazonian region. Peru could not stop the abuses of the company because it was established in an area that Colombia and Ecuador claimed as their own. In addition, the Indigenous groups of the Upper Amazon lacked of citizenship because they were nomads and consequently were not using effectively the land. For that reason, the governments excluded them from citizenship and consequently the governments were not in the obligation to look for the welfare of the Indians. The land, however, was always present in the mind of the politicians. As a result, the borders were carefully protected by the militaries of the different countries.
The local officials were also responsible for the abuses committed against the human rights of the Indigenous people. According to Hardenburg, the rubber company made the lives of the indigenous a “living hell,” and the countries’ governments were not able to stop them. The provincial governments were also aware of what happened and did little to stop the abuses. For example, officials from Peru, Colombia, and Ecuador claimed they were unable to stop the caucheros because they did not have enough information, such as names, nationalities, or the dates of the crimes. They also protested that they lacked a strong police station, manpower, and money to investigate. They needed money to buy canoes to penetrate the remote areas of the Amazon where the crimes were committed. The lack of money for local officials was a critical problem because the wealthy caucheros bribed the officials to turn a blind eye. When the local officials were not paid, they forced payment by robbing the Indians of their food or intercepting the caucheros and asking them for bribes. Casement interviewed a prominent Peruvian functionary, who told him that there was nothing he could do to stop the crimes against the Indians. Casement later concluded that the official, like many other public functionaries, cared only for business and ignored the rest. The lack of accurate maps was another problem that caused chaos for the local governments and officials and benefited the caucheros.
The local officials also claimed that since they were a weak group, they could easily be attacked by the free angry Indians that could believe they were caucheros. Nevertheless, the Indians were not completely wrong because there were some officials who worked for the rubber houses. For example, César Lurquin, the Peruvian Comisario of the Putumayo visited the area four or five times a year and captured children to sell them later as servants to the caucheros instead of punishing the rubber barons.
The local officials were also justified in their fears because there were rebellious Indians, who made their justice and killed every white person they encountered. An article from the Ecuadorian Newspaper El Imparcial, described how a white man, probably a cauchero, was killed by rubber Indian workers on his way back from Iquitos with merchandise. He was the first victim of a plan to kill every single white person from the Ecuadorian Amazonian province of Napo. The plan was not completely executed because Indigenous women threatened to denounce the plan. 
After analyzing the content of the rubber boom in the Amazon, it is clear that the rubber industry tremendously affected the lives of the indigenous population of the Upper Amazonian region the rubber houses and the caucheros were responsible for the infringement of the human rights of the indigenous population. The native populations were victims of the debt peonage system, forced labor, and the genocide of a large part of their community because of several factors such as location, corrupt leaders, and missionary indifference.
These factors however, had a much deeper cause, which was the combination of racism and economical interest. This idea of racism, together with economical interests, became a mortal weapon, which the rubber boom- indigenous tragedy strongly demonstrated.
End of the Rubber Boom and the Abuses in the Upper Amazon
The abuses committed against the Indians in the Amazon came to an end simultaneous with the end of the rubber boom. In the early 1910s, several reports were published about the abuses committed against the Indians and brought international attention to the Upper Amazonian. The first one was the journal of W. E. Hardenburg, who narrated all the difficulties he had experienced while being kidnapped by the caucheros from the Arana Company and all the tortures and crimes committed against the Indians he had witnessed in the Amazon. Later, the journal of the British consul Roger Casement, confirmed the abuses that Hardenburg had written about, when he investigated the situation in the rubber houses and interviewed the British colonial subjects who worked for the rubber companies, and the local officials. The Lord of the Devil’s Paradise, written by Sidney Paternoster, also confirmed the atrocities committed by the caucheros. Then the British, as well as the American governments became concerned with the allegations that there was slavery in the Upper Amazon region at the beginning of the twentieth century. They also published reports on the issue and used the interviews of the Casement journal as their main source of evidence. The American report as well as the book The Lord of the Devil’s Paradise agreed that England should share the responsibility for the crimes committed in Peru since the executer criminals were British subjects employed by British companies, which made profits from the labor of the Indians. The rubber was shipped to British markets and carried by British vessels, and the future of the region depended upon British capital. These arguments and the investigations produced international pressure which forced the local governments of Ecuador, Peru, and Colombia to increase the control in the rubber industry. This control improved the conditions in the region considerably; however, it was not enough since the abuses were still part of the industry. For example, some caucheros were arrested and the corrupt authorities in the region were replaced, but the new authorities were ignorant and were paid low wages.
Therefore, neither the international pressure nor the control in the local areas stopped the abuses against the Indians in the Upper Amazon. Instead the end of the abuses was related to the crises of the rubber prices. The prices of wild rubber from the Amazon started to decrease beginning 1911 and by 1920, the rubber prices finally collapsed. The East Indian plantations of rubber ended the Amazonian rubber boom and at the same time put a stop to the crimes committed by the caucheros. “Muerto el perro se acaba la rabia.” (When the dog died, the disease died with him.) 
Source: National Geographic Society (U. S.), Atlas of the World, 7th ed. (Washington, D.C. : National Geographic Society, 1999), 63.
Oriente – Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru.
Notations of the rubber stations and the Putumayo river. Notations added by author.
Source: Sidney Patemoster, The Lords of the Devil’s Paradise (London: Stanley Paul and Co, 1913), 288.
Source: W. E. Hardenburg, The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise. Travel in the Peruvian Amazon Region and An Account of the Atrocities Committed Upon the Indians Therein. (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1912), 52.
 All translations from Spanish to English are the author’s own.
 The boundary conflict between the two countries started in 1830, after Ecuador’s independence. Ecuador claimed the territory of the Amazonian province Mainas, which was previously part of the Spanish colony. The conflict did not end until 1998.
 Blanca Muratorio, The Life and Times of Grandfather Alonso, Culture and History in the Upper Amazon (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1991), 87, 99, 102; Kenneth George Grubb, Amazon and Andes (New York: L. MacVeagh, The Dial Press, 1930), 31; Michael Edward Stanfield, Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees: Violence, Slavery, and Empire in Northwest Amazonia, 1850-1933 (Albuquerque, N.M.: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 81; Great Britain Foreign Office, Correspondence Respecting to the Treatment of British Colonial Subjects and Native Indians Employed in the Collection of Rubber in the Putumayo District. Presented to both houses of Parliament by Command of H. M, July 1912 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1912), 2-3; and Sir Roger Casement, The Amazon journal of Roger Casement, edited and with an introduction by Angus Mitchell (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1997), 295.
 Muratorio, The Life and Times of Grandfather Alonso, 100, 107.
 Michael T. Taussig, Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and Healing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 53.
 “Statement of Everlyn Ratson Made to his Majesty’s Consul General At La Chorrera on October 31, 1910,” in Slavery in Peru, 354-363.
 Ibid; Roberto Pineda Camacho, Holocausto en el Amazonas: Una Historia Social de la Casa Arana (Santafé de Bogotá, Colombia: Planeta Colombiana Editorial, 2000), 82; Slavery in Peru, 382; and Taussig, Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man, 48.
 “Précis of the Statement of Westernman Leavine made to His Majesty’s Consul General at Matanzas on October 18, 1910, and Subsequently,” in Correspondence Respecting to the Treatment, 96; “Statement of John Brown, a Native of Montserrat, Made to His Majesty’s Consul General at Iquitos on December 3, 1910,” in Slavery in Peru, 407; and Gianotti, Viajes por el Napo, 56.
 Pineda, Holocausto en el Amazonas, 55; “Employment Contract of a Rubber Laborer, 1909 (AGN),” in The Life and Times of Grandfather Alonso, by Muratorio, 237-238; Fritz W Up de Graff, Head Hunters of the Amazon: Seven years of Exploration and Adventure (New York: Duffield and Co, 1923), 55; “Précis of the Statement of Westernman Leavine,” in Correspondence Respecting to the Treatment, 96; and “Statement of August Walcott Made to His Majesty’s Consul- General at La Chorrera on November 1, 1910,” in Correspondence Respecting to the Treatment, 112.
 “Statement of Everlyn Ratson,” in Slavery in Peru, 356; Up de Graff, Head Hunters of the Amazon, 55; “Précis of the Statement of Stanley Sealey, a Native of Barbados, Made to his Majesty’s Consul General on September 23, 1910, at La Chorrera, and on Subsequent Occasions,” in Slavery in Peru, 328; and Pineda, Holocausto en el Amazonas, 69.
 “Précis of the Statement of Westernman Leavine,” in Correspondence Respecting to the Treatment, 96; W. E. Hardenburg, The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise. Travel in the Peruvian Amazon Region and An Account of the Atrocities Committed Upon the Indians Therein (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1912), 202-203,182; and John C. Yungjohann, White Gold: The Diary of A Rubber Cutter in the Amazon 1906-1916, edited by Ghillean T. Prance, epilogue by Yungjohann Hillman (Oracle, Arizona: Synergetic Press, 1989), 47.
 Hardenburg, The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise, 184; Up de Graff, Head Hunters of the Amazon, 91; Slavery in Peru, 332-337; and Stanfield, Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees, 48.
 Hardenburg, The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise, 183.
 “Statement of John Brown, ” in Slavery in Peru, 409; “Précis of the Statement of Westernman Leavine,” in Correspondence Respecting to the Treatment, 96; “Statement of August Walcott,” in Correspondence Respecting to the Treatment, 113, 115; Hardenburg, The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise, 181; and “Précis of the Statement of Joshua Dyall Made to His Majesty’s Consul General in the Presence of Mr. Lous H. Barnes, the Chief of the Company’s Commission, and Then Repeated Before Señor Tizon and all the Remaining Members of the Commission the Same Day, September 24, 1910, at La Chorrera; also Subsequently Examined at La Chorrera by Mr. Casement in November,” in Slavery in Peru, 332-333.
 Gianotti, Viajes por el Napo, 38, 46-47, 51, 59; “How the Missionary Subsists - Ominous Servitude – Freedom there from the Only Way to Progress,” in Slavery in Peru, 204; and Hardenburg, The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise, 190.
 Ibid, 186; and Jorge Trujillo, “La Amazonia: Región Imaginaria,” Ecuador Debate 3 (1983): 154-160.
 Stanfield, Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees, 58, 81; Casement, The Amazon journal, 471; and Muratorio, The Life and Times of Grandfather Alonso, 104.
 Hardenburg, The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise, 191.
 Stanfield, Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees, 58; and “Correspondencia de el Oriente” El Imparcial, (Ecuador) 3 October 1908, no. 425. In possession of Professor Nicola Foote, Florida Gulf Coast University.
 “Britain Guilty as Peru in Rubber Atrocities - Government Insists that England Share Responsibility for Crimes Committed- Easy to Escape Arrest – Sir Roger Casement’s Witnesses Fled the Country- Many Were Criminals,” in Slavery in Peru, 182; Sidney Patemoster, The Lords of the Devil’s Paradise (London: Stanley Paul and Co, 1913), 304; “Consul General Sir. R. Casement to Sir Edward Grey, London, February 5, 1912” in Slavery in Peru, 429- 431; “La Esclavitud en el Putumayo: Informe del Cónsul de los Estados Unidos – La Pro-Indigena de Lima,” El Guante (Guayaquil - Ecuador ) 25 June 1913. In possession of Professor Nicola Foote, Florida Gulf Coast University.